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—

So there you have it. If you want to upgrade your version of wordpress, 1and1 requires you pay them more money; and, for that, 1and1 get a big fuck you from me by the way of cancelling my account.

FUCK YOU

1. Start by telling all the people who want to add the class that they need to get the fuck out because we’re full up
2. Handing out 6 sets of 4 cards from a poker deck, and have the students arrange into groups
3. Write name, office location and hours, phone, and vista only for email on the board
4. Tell them where they can purchase the lab manual for $10 (rm 234)
5. Ask them to raise hand if they are a freshman
6. Ask them to raise hand if they are a sophomore
7. Ask them to raise hand if they are a junior
8. Ask them to raise hand if they are a senior or super-senior
9. Send attendance sheet, and have them state their name, where they’re from and what their major is or possibly could be, if they’re in a frat/soro
10. Introduce metric system (temp, length, mass, time, and volume)
11. Go over measurement equipment
12. Tell them to start the lab and describe where the outdoor portion is

Seems fairly simple, but somehow I know one of these stupid bastards is going to fuck it up. Either way, it will still be a confidence building day!

1. Fancy diner at somewhere that serves things she can eat (Japanese blossom?).
2. A microphone so she can start her own business and do what she loves.
3. A phone upgrade (iphone 4 or android? Oh the choices).
4. Taking a tip out of town some place (undecided destination).
5. More Hello-Kitty stuff.

That’s what I’ve come up with so far. At this point, I think the material things would arrive before her birthday, but might show up after — in which case, she would get a box with an invoice/receipt in it on her birth day.

INTJs apply (often ruthlessly) the criterion “Does it work?” to everything from their own research efforts to the prevailing social norms. This in turn produces an unusual independence of mind, freeing the INTJ from the constraints of authority, convention, or sentiment for its own sake … INTJs are known as the “Systems Builders” of the types, perhaps in part because they possess the unusual trait combination of imagination and reliability. Whatever system an INTJ happens to be working on is for them the equivalent of a moral cause to an INFJ; both perfectionism and disregard for authority may come into play … Personal relationships, particularly romantic ones, can be the INTJ’s Achilles heel … This happens in part because many INTJs do not readily grasp the social rituals … Perhaps the most fundamental problem, however, is that INTJs really want people to make sense.

INTJs are analytical. Like INTPs, they are most comfortable working alone and tend to be less sociable than other types. Nevertheless, INTJs are prepared to lead if no one else seems up to the task, or if they see a major weakness in the current leadership. They tend to be pragmatic, logical, and creative. They have a low tolerance for spin or rampant emotionalism. They are not generally susceptible to catchphrases and do not recognize authority based on tradition, rank, or title.

INTJs are strong individualists who seek new angles or novel ways of looking at things. They enjoy coming to new understandings. They tend to be insightful and mentally quick; however, this mental quickness may not always be outwardly apparent to others since they keep a great deal to themselves. They are very determined people who trust their vision of the possibilities, regardless of what others think. They may even be considered the most independent of all of the sixteen personality types. INTJs are at their best in quietly and firmly developing their ideas, theories, and principles.

– from wikipedia page on INTJ

People with SPD are seen as aloof, cold and indifferent, which causes some social problems. Most individuals diagnosed with SPD have difficulty establishing personal relationships or expressing their feelings in a meaningful way, and may remain passive in the face of unfavourable situations. Their communication with other people at times may be indifferent and concise. Because of their lack of meaningful communication with other people, those who are diagnosed with SPD are not able to develop accurate reflections of themselves with respect to how well they are getting along with others. Such reflections are important for a person’s self-awareness and their ability to assess the impact of their own actions in social situations. R. D. Laing suggests that without being enriched by injections of interpersonal reality there occurs an impoverishment in which one’s self-image becomes more and more empty and volatilized, leading the individual himself to feel unreal.^[3]

According to Gunderson,^[4] people with SPD “feel lost” without the people they are normally around because they need a sense of security and stability. However, when the patient’s personal space is violated, they feel suffocated and feel the need to free themselves and be independent. Those people who have SPD are happiest when they are in a relationship in which the partner places few emotional or intimate demands on them, as it is not people as such that they want to avoid, but both negative and positive emotions, emotional intimacy, and self disclosure.^[5]

This means that it is possible for schizoid individuals to form relationships with others based on intellectual, physical, familial, occupational, or recreational activities as long as these modes of relating do not require or force the need for emotional intimacy, which the individual will reject.

Donald Winnicott sums up the schizoid need to modulate emotional interaction with others with his comment that schizoid individuals “prefer to make relationships on their own terms and not in terms of the impulses of other people,”^[6] and that if they cannot do so, they prefer isolation.

– from the wikipedia page on schizoid personality disorder

Polynesia is located in a tropical to subtropical zone, and the islands are comprised mostly of volcanic rock [Kirch and Lepofsky, 1993]. In Polynesia, they have developed some interesting traditional irrigation systems, still used to this day [Kirch and Lepofsky, 1993]. Two irrigation systems were developed: the pondfield system, and the raised-bed system – both developed around A.D. 500 [Kirch and Lepofsky, 1993]. In areas with sloped terrain, pondfield irrigation is used by creating terraces such that water flows from upper terraces to lower terraces, increasing the retention time and regulating water level [Ladefoged, Kirch, et al., 2009]. In swamps, raised-bed irrigation is used by mounding soil into beds, and allowing drainage between the mounds to regulate water content [Kirch, 1978].

In contrast, The Hohokam developed their techniques in southern Arizona, which has an arid desert climate with relatively flat topography [Woodbury, 1961]. The Hohokam hand dug a series of canals, diverting water for irrigation that became the template for modern canals in the area [Woodbury, 1961]. The first canals were dug sometime between A.D. 500 and 800, with approximately 185 miles of canal providing for 80 miles of irrigated land along the canal system [Woodbury, 1961]. The canal system developed by the Hohokam was used for approximately a century before being abandoned sometime between A.D. 1450 and European contact in A.D. 1650 [Dean, 2007].

Even though the two societies developed their techniques in completely different hydrologic environments, they are not unlike one another. The purpose of Polynesian irrigation was to increase productivity in an island setting, while the purpose of Hohokam irrigation was to increase productivity in a desert setting. While both are effective water management schemes, in Polynesia they contended with managing water in excess, and the Hohokam contended with water scarcity; yet, in either case: irrigation was used to increase productivity. Therefore, independently, both societies modified their environment to create what are essentially islands of maximum productivity within the same period – even though Polynesian society has outlasted the Hohokam.

References

Dean, R. M. (2007), Hunting intensification and the Hohokam “collapse,” Journal of Anthropological Archaeology, 26(1), 109-132, doi:doi:10.1016/j.jaa.2006.03.010.

Kirch, P. V. (1978), Indigenous Agriculture on Uvea (Western Polynesia), Economic Botany, 32(2), 157-181.

Kirch, P. V., and D. Lepofsky (1993), Polynesian Irrigation: Archaeological and Linguistic Evidence for Origins and Development, Asian Perspectives, 32(2), 183-204.

Ladefoged, T. N., P. V. Kirch, S. M. Gon III, O. A. Chadwick, A. S. Hartshorn, and P. M. Vtousek (2009), Opportunities and constraints for intensive agriculture in the Hawaiianarchipelago prior to european contact, Journal of Archaeological Science, 36(10), 2374–2383, doi:doi:10.1016/j.jas.2009.06.030.

Woodbury, R. B. (1961), A Reappraisal of Hohokam Irrigation, American Anthropologist, 63(2), 550-560.